Orest Deychakiwsky
March 21, 2026
VILNI Media
The Iran war highlights why the U.S. Congress needs to urgently revitalize its efforts with respect to Ukraine. The administration of U.S. President Donald Trump has temporarily eased oil sanctions on russia, helping to fuel Russia’s war machine and undermining efforts to pressure moscow towards peace. The move comes as russia benefits from the Iran war, with its fossil fuel export revenues surging by 14 percent in the first two weeks. Meanwhile, Russia has been helping Iran attack U.S and allied forces, while U.S. made weapons systems that could be given to Ukraine are being depleted. At the same time, Ukraine is using its superior drone technology, experience and expertise to help the U.S. and its Gulf allies, underscoring its role as a valuable ally. The Trump administration does not seem to differentiate between who is our friend and who is our foe. So, it’s even more imperative that Congress does so.
In various articles and talks over the last decade, I have unabashedly touted Congress’ historic role as a longstanding supporter of Ukraine. Indeed, I am grateful to have been a part of Congressional efforts on Ukraine, working at the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (Helsinki Commission) from 1981-2017. Unfortunately, the last two years have been an exception to Congress’ otherwise commendable record – certainly if one goes by the key metric of legislation.
The bipartisan, bicameral Congressional support that Ukraine enjoyed going back many decades even prior to independence – when Ukraine was largely a terra incognita – is lacking these days. The irony is that Congressional backing is needed more than ever as Ukraine continues its valiant fight for its existence.
Congress seems to be asleep at the wheel, notwithstanding that a substantial majority of Americans continue to support Ukraine. And this is sadly the case even though advocacy for Ukraine has been at an all-time high since February 2022 and remains robust.
Nevertheless, senators and representatives continue to express solidarity with Ukraine. This has been manifested in many ways – whether it be through visits to Ukraine, hearings, briefings, statements and media appearances – although these have declined somewhat in the last year. An exception to this has been Congressional attention paid to the important issue of Ukrainian children abducted by Russia. But all of these efforts have not translated into enacted legislation, the hallmark of Congressional work. After all, there is a reason that it is called the legislative branch.
Unfortunately, there have been no major Ukraine-related laws passed in nearly two years. In the first two years following the February 2022 full-scale invasion, Congress passed an unprecedented amount of aid to help Ukraine defend itself. In five emergency supplemental funding measures between March 2022 and April 2024, Congress enacted an astounding $182
billion in Ukraine-related appropriations. In the last nearly two years, however, it’s been a pittance in comparison, with funding passed as small parts of much larger bills.
In fairness, Congressional inaction has not been limited to Ukraine. The Republi¬can led Congress (both the Senate and House) have largely become a rubber-stamp for whatever President Trump wants. Congress, formally a co-equal branch of government, has subordinated itself to the Executive Branch in a process that has been accelerating for decades, but now, under Mr. Trump, is off the charts. This Congress has been among the most unproductive in decades, passing just 68 public laws last year, many of them canceling the policies of the previous presidential administration.
Granted, legislating even in the best of circumstances is hard work. I know that through my own involvement with bills and resolutions while at the Helsinki Commis¬sion. Some, especially those dealing with funding or sanctions, got through only with great difficulty, or not at all. As the saying goes, “There are two things you don’t want to see being made: sausage and legislation.”
Nevertheless, Congressional legislation on Ukraine languishes. Exhibit number one is the Senate’s “Sanctioning Russia Act,” which despite having an astounding 85 cosponsors, has gone nowhere since being introduced a year ago by Sens. Lindsey Graham and Richard Blumenthal. There are also several strong sanctions bills in the House, notably the bipartisan “Peace through Strength Against Russia Act.”
A major reason for Congressional dillydallying is House Speaker Mike Johnson’s and Senate Majority Leader John Thune’s reluctance to oppose a president who absurdly blames Ukraine’s president as the obstacle to peace, rather than the true culprit, Russian war criminal Vladimir Putin, who seeks nothing short of Ukraine’s capitulation.
It pains me to say this, but all too many Republican legislators, who know better and perfectly understand that an independent, democratic Ukraine is in our national interests, have been unwilling or unable to take on President Trump.
The war in Iran argues for accelerating, not diminishing, Congressional efforts. A recent Wall Street Journal editorial suggested that, with the war in Iran, the president should send Congress a supplemental military funding request that would also provide some needed weapons support for Ukraine. Although the huge sums of money of the past might not be needed given that Europe is increasingly stepping up its support of Ukraine, there still is a need for meaningful American assistance. And for God’s sake, there should be no further easing of sanctions on Russia, even temporarily. Instead, they should be strengthened and tightened.
There are a good number of already introduced legislative measures in both chambers that should be seriously considered in addition to the sanctions legislation mentioned above. Among them are the Senate and House REPO Acts to facilitate the seizure of frozen Russian sovereign assets for the benefit of Ukraine; the Senate’s “Shadow Fleet Expansion Act of 2026”; and the House’s “Ukraine Support Act.”
Will Congress do its part to enhance Ukraine’s ability to defend itself and to starve Russia’s war machine in Ukraine? Given the current climate in Washington, I’m not so sure. But even though it may be difficult, it’s doable if the political will exists.
In any event, all of Ukraine’s American friends – members of Congress, thought leaders, foreign affairs policy specialists, and, importantly, citizen advocates – need to keep making their voices heard. Silence is not an option.
Orest Deychakiwsky is an American foreign policy expert who worked for over 35 years at the U.S. Helsinki Commission, focusing on Ukraine, Belarus, Bulgaria, and human rights in the USSR. He participated in numerous OSCE missions, helped draft U.S. congressional legislation, and has been widely published. He is currently a Senior Advisor at the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council, Board Member of The Washington Group and the Shevchenko Scientific Society (USA), and a regular contributor to Vilni Media and The Ukrainian Weekly.