Oleksii Plastun
2 June 2025
Vox Ukraine
After Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, many international academic and para-academic organizations suspended membership of Russian institutions. But many others did not—choosing instead to issue statements condemning the war, expressing grave concern, or simply ignoring the event altogether. What guided these organizations in making their decisions, and how we may change the situation?
Three years into Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine, the aggressor country’s universities, research institutes, and other academic entities remain active members of the vast majority of reputable international scientific and academic organizations—effectively legitimizing their continued presence in the global academic space.
This includes organizations such as the International Science Council (ISC), the International Union of Pure and Applied Physics (IUPAP), the International Network for Quality Assurance Agencies in Higher Education (INQAAHE), the Eurasian Universities Union (EURAS), and the International Union of Psychological Science (IUPsyS), among many others.
Interestingly, the positions of international organizations often differ from those of their European counterparts.
For example, as of early 2025, the International Association of Universities (IAU) listed seven active Russian members; the association removed them following our appeal. In contrast, the European University Association (EUA) suspended all Russian universities shortly after the full-scale war began. We received similar responses from other “international” and “European” organizations in reply to our inquiries.
But let’s return to the fact that Russian institutions remain members of international organizations. What is wrong with that? First and foremost, the vast majority of Russian organizations—universities, research institutes, or professional associations—are active supporters of the war and disseminators of Russian propaganda and narratives. In other words, they are not apolitical or neutral; they act as powerful informational instruments of the Russian government.
We implemented a brief investigation and can identify the most common forms of this propaganda.
Public support for the war against Ukraine
The most notorious example of this is the disgraceful open letter from the Russian Union of Rectors signed by the heads of the majority of Russian universities. The letter parrots the standard set of Russian propaganda narratives, including “demilitarization,” “denazification,” and claims that “Donbas was bombed.”
“It is especially important in these days to support our country, our army, which is defending our security, and to support our President, who has made perhaps the most difficult, painful, but necessary decision of his life,” the rectors wrote.
Another example of the so-called “apolitical” nature of Russian science is the Russian Academy of Sciences and its P. N. Lebedev Physical Institute (FIAN). At the first glance, physics might seem unrelated to politics. Yet in March 2022, 276 FIAN employees signed an open letter in support of the “special military operation in Ukraine,” (“special military operation” is a Russian propaganda euphemism for the war – ed.) which stated: “In these challenging times, we, the staff of FIAN, unequivocally support our President and the government of the Russian Federation and consider it our duty to devote all our efforts to the continued confident development of our country. We understand that the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation now play a key role, and their fighting spirit relies on the support of the nation’s citizens. We express our deep gratitude to them and hope for a swift resolution to this complex situation.”
The collection of signatures for this letter is still ongoing.
Direct and indirect support for military aggression against Ukraine
Russian institutions actively support the war against Ukraine not only with statements but also by providing material assistance in various forms. This includes volunteer movements and campaigns aimed at supporting and directly aiding occupying forces. Some examples include:
RUDN University prepared a “warm New Year’s gift” for participants of the “special military operation (SMO)”
In Taganrog, another batch of humanitarian aid was collected for graduates of the Southern Federal University who are taking part in the SMO
National Research University “MPEI” continues to provide comprehensive assistance for the “special military operation”
The “Defenders of the Fatherland” Foundation and its local branch launched a support program for SMO participants
Other forms of support range from the development of military technologies to assistance with the physical rehabilitation of occupying army personnel and offering preferential education to soldiers and their children. Examples include:
Unique body armor and rehabilitation techniques for the wounded. The Russian Academy of Sciences describes how Russian science supports troops involved in the SMO
A neuro-laboratory will be opened at Pyatigorsk State University to aid SMO participants
The head of the Russian Academy of Sciences announced the development of new approaches to future military conflicts
Novosibirsk State University received patents for anti-drone munitions
At a university in Pyatigorsk, the number of students who are children of SMO participants has increased tenfold
Propaganda supporting military aggression against Ukraine
Russian academic institutions actively promote the war against Ukraine and indoctrinate students and schoolchildren—including those in occupied territories.
The Russian Historical Society, together with experts from Southern Federal University, discussed the development and integration of history education in universities and schools in the Rostov region, as well as in the LPR and DPR (note: LPR and DPR stand for “Luhansk people’s republic” and “Donetsk people’s republic” – this is how Russia calls occupied territories of Ukraine – ed.)
“I’m proud of our heroes”: an event under this project took place at Saint Petersburg University of Management Technologies and Economics.
Support for the annexation of Ukrainian territories
Support for the annexation of Ukrainian territories and the labeling of parts of Ukraine as Russian is a systemic practice among Russian academic institutions.
Students from the National Research University “MPEI” attended the exhibition “Donbas is Russia”
A branch of the Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration hosted an event dedicated to the “Day of Reunification of New Regions with the Russian Federation”
“Regulatory Policy of the Republic of Crimea Amid Changing Constitutional Cycles” (a scholarly article published by RUDN)
A delegation from N. G. Chernyshevsky Saratov State University is currently in the DPR
Involvement in the assimilation of Ukrainian citizens and territories
A particularly insidious aspect is the involvement of Russian academic and educational institutions in the assimilation of Ukrainian citizens and territories.
At RUDN, with support from the “Competence Center,” team training was held for teenagers from the new regions of Russia (note: “new regions” is Russian euphemism for occupied territories – ed.)
Pyatigorsk State University is ready to admit students from the DPR, LPR, Ukraine, and other countries
In Rostov-on-Don, memorandums of cooperation were signed between Russia’s Ministry of Education and the education ministries of the DPR and LPR
Executives from Donbas and Novorossiya have completed training at the Presidential Academy
Thus, the continued presence of Russian institutions within international organizations is indirect legitimization of the aggressor state in the global academic arena which enables the spread of Russian propaganda and state narratives.
To counter the legitimization of Russian academic institutions within international organizations, the Think Tank “Research of Fakes and Propaganda in Russian Science” at Sumy State University (hereafter referred to as the Think Tank), in cooperation with the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine, launched a campaign of official appeals to the secretariats of relevant organizations. These letters included a well-reasoned request to suspend or terminate the membership of institutions from the aggressor state, accompanied by evidence of their involvement in spreading propaganda, supporting military aggression, and violating academic ethics.
The letters were sent through official communication channels on behalf of the Ministry. This approach lent the campaign additional weight, transforming it from an initiative of individual researchers into the public position of the government body responsible for Ukraine’s science policy.
We sent 26 appeals in total. To date, the majority of recipients—17 out of 26—have not responded. This probably reflects the reluctance to take a clear position in politically complex circumstances. It may also suggest an unwillingness to assume responsibility or a fear of compromising a perceived “neutrality,” even in situations where silence effectively means tolerating the aggressor.
Despite the evidence and reasoning provided, some organizations responded with appeals to their supposed “apolitical” stance and chose to continue cooperating with representatives of the aggressor state. Among them are the International Science Council (ISC) and the International Network for Quality Assurance Agencies in Higher Education (INQAAHE). For instance, the latter stated that its mission is international cooperation and that it would continue accepting all organizations working to ensure quality in higher education.
This position questions the commitment of these organizations to their own proclaimed values—especially in light of clear violations of academic integrity by the relevant Russian institutions.
That said, roughly one-third (9) of the international organizations contacted did respond to the appeal. Given the general inertia of the academic world, this can be seen as a positive outcome. More importantly, five of these organizations accepted the Ukrainian side’s arguments and made the decision to expel representatives of the aggressor state. Two other organizations launched internal investigations in response to the appeal.
Responses to the Ministry of Education and Science’s appeals regarding the membership of Russian institutions
The following organizations excluded representatives of the aggressor state from their ranks: the European University Continuing Education Network (EUCEN), the International Association of Universities (IAU), the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA), the University Alliance for Sustainability (UAS), and the Association for Dental Education in Europe (ADEE).
In some cases, these changes were immediately reflected on the organizations’ websites. For example, ADEE and IAU promptly updated their public member listings.
Websites of ADEE and IAU before and after the appeal
The International Commission for Optics (ICO) and the International Committee of Historical Sciences (ICHS) chose to initiate internal investigations following our appeal.
In contrast, the International Network for Quality Assurance Agencies in Higher Education (INQAAHE) and the International Science Council (ISC) opted to continue cooperating with representatives of the aggressor state under the guise of neutrality—despite the evidence provided demonstrating their political alignment.
It is clear that our campaign did not reach all international academic organizations that include representatives of the aggressor state. Nevertheless, the results obtained are sufficient to draw some preliminary conclusions—and overall they are discouraging.
The academic community continues to hide behind such concepts as “neutrality,” “apoliticism,” and “freedom of scientific thought,” effectively opening the door to the spread of Russian propaganda and state narratives on the international stage.
Ways to resist this shameful consensus include creating reputational risks for international organizations by publicizing their complicity in enabling Russian propaganda, advocating for sanctions against Russian institutions, which would, in effect, end their cooperation with international organizations, and maintaining consistent pressure on these organizations to reject the status quo and confront the false neutrality they claim to uphold.
Our fight for integrity in the academic sphere continues. If you are aware of any international academic organizations that still include Russian representatives, please contact the Think Tank (o.plastun@biem.sumdu.edu.ua) or the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine (oksana.dvyhun@mon.gov.ua).